rilliant tactician, lousy strategist." So goes the conventional wisdom about the old bulldozer Ariel Sharon.
But that assessment is exactly backward.Sharon
's strategic insight has always proved more impressive than his messy tactical operations. For now, keep that in mind - even as we seem to watch divided Israelis yell at each other while united Palestinians gloat about expelling the Zionists.
Gen. Sharon's counterattack across the Suez Canal
in October 1973 during the Yom Kippur war was also seen as reckless, in its disregard for logistics and lines of communication. His 1982 army that invaded Lebanon
proved tactically lax in allowing allied Christian militias to commit atrocities.
's long-term thinking? That's another story altogether. Trapping the Egyptian 3rd Army in the Sinai, and then showing the world that Cairo
itself was defenseless in the path of an Israeli armored division, was a strategic masterpiece aimed at ending the 1973 war outright to Israel
The march into Lebanon
forced Yasser Arafat out of the Middle East
for a decade -- and he might have been discredited for good as a defeated terrorist had third parties not escorted him to Tunis
or brought him back under the Oslo
was always a strategic thinker, and we are seeing his accustomed foresight working in the controversial exodus from Gaza
The Israeli military is crafting defensible borders, not unlike the old Roman decision to stay on its own side of the Rhine
rivers. In Sharon
's thinking, it no longer made any sense to periodically send in thousands of soldiers in Gaza
to protect less than 10,000 Israeli civilians abroad, when a demographic time bomb of too few Jews was ticking inside Israel
itself is only a tessera in a far larger strategic mosaic. The Israelis also press on with the border fence that will in large part end suicide bombings. The barrier will grant the Palestinians what they clamor for, but perhaps also fear — their own isolated state that they must now govern or let the world watch devolve into something like the Afghanistan of the Taliban.
Once Israel is out of Gaza and has fenced off slivers of the West Bank near Jerusalem deemed vital for its security, Sharon can bide his time until a responsible Palestinian government emerges as a serious interlocutor.
Then any lingering disagreements over disputed land can be relegated to the status of a Tibet
, northern Cyprus
or the Sakhalin
and Kurile Islands
— all postbellum "contested" territories that do not prompt commensurate attention from the Muslim world, Europe
or the United Nations.Palestine
as a sovereign state rather than a perpetually "occupied " territory also inherits the responsibility of all mature nations to police its own. So when Hamas and co. press on with their killing - most likely through rocket attacks over the fence - they do so as representatives of a new Palestinian nation.
In response, Israel
can strike back at an aggressor without worry about the blowback on isolated vulnerable Israeli settlements.Sharon
's withdrawal policy from Gaza
is thus a critical first step of turning the struggle from an asymmetrical war of terror back into a conventional standoff between delineated sovereign states. And that can only help a militarily superior Israel
plays well. If the once right-wing Sharon
can harness his own zealots, the world wonders why Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas cannot muzzle Hamas and Hezbollah?
From their creepy rhetoric so far, Palestinian militias have proclaimed that Gaza
is the first step toward the eventual destruction of Israel
proper. But once again that only plays into Israel
's complaint that withdrawal is seen by Palestinians as something to be manipulated rather than as an opportunity upon which to build a just society.
While there probably won't be a single Jew in the new Palestinian nation, there are over 1 million Arabs inside Israel
. Even more bizarrely, over 100,000 illegal aliens have left Arab lands to reside in the "Zionist entity." Politically correct Arabs will not even employ the word "Israel
" in their lexicon , but tens of thousands of Arabs seem to want into it nonetheless.
In a reciprocal world, why couldn't the Jewish settlers stay on in Gaza
as resident aliens, adjudicating their property claims with the new government and freely abiding by Palestinian law and protocol?Sharon
is reminding us that, unlike the Arabs inside Israel
, they would be ethnically cleansed in hours in the same manner that nearly a million Jews were run out of Baghdad
in the decades following 1947.
The pullout from Gaza
is bringing long-needed moral clarity to a fuzzy crisis. Heretofore the Palestinians have counted on foreign support through fear of terrorism, influence with oil producers, unspoken anti-Semitism and carefully crafted victim status accorded savvy anti-Western zealots. But now they are increasingly on their own, and what transpires may soon end their romance of the perpetually oppressed.
So Ariel Sharon leaves, with a "Hasta la vista, Gaza
- and be careful what you wish for."
Victor Davis Hanson is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. His most recent book is Between War and Peace: Lessons in Afghanistan and Iraq.
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