ascendancy of Africa in U.S. foreign policy reflects not only the
continent's growing importance to U.S. national interests but also
President George W. Bush's determination to join compassion with
resources. U.S. accomplishments with its African partners are
undeniably positive and will be a central theme in the Bush
Administration's overall legacy.
The 2008 presidential election
offers an opportunity to reflect on recent U.S. policy and program
interventions in Africa. The next President of the United States will
soon decide which efforts have borne fruit, which programs require
modification, and what new approaches will shape the growing ties
between the U.S. and Africa.
Africa's future is routinely
described as a mix of challenges and opportunities. Many
Africa-pessimists focus on the seemingly unbearable burdens of
conflict, disease, hunger, corruption, and poor economic performance.
However, Africa is not monolithic. Many African countries exhibit
unprecedented economic growth, advancement in good governance, and
substantial investment in basic human development, such as education
and health. Overall, the continent is moving decidedly toward
multiparty democracy, with almost two-thirds of sub-Saharan African
countries now governed through democratic elections.
Liberia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Burundi, Uganda, Sierra
Leone, and Sudan have made significant progress toward peace and
stability, offering millions of Africans new opportunities to build
their economies and address fundamental development and governance
While Africa shows many hopeful and tangible signs of
progress, the next U.S. President will need to help it address many
concerns. Zimbabwe stands out as a black mark on the continent's
scorecard, even as democratic forces move closer to wresting power away
from the authoritarian Mugabe regime. Darfur persists as an
international failure of conscience, and Sudan's north-south
Comprehensive Peace Agreement is moving into rocky waters with the
national census scheduled for April 2008 and national elections in 2009.
life expectancy in Africa has fallen over the past 20
years--dramatically in many places-- because of the rapid and ongoing
spread of HIV/AIDS. In addition, malaria kills more than 1 million Africans each year, even though it is treatable and preventable.
support can play an important role in narrowing the gap between
underdeveloped Africa and an increasingly prosperous world. This
summer's G-8 meeting in Japan emphasized that the high standard for
development resources set by President Bush is compelling other donors
to rise to the challenge. As President Bush said,
recent Summits, G-8 countries have made pledges to help developing
nations address challenges, from health care to education, to
corruption. Now we need to show the world that the G-8 can be
accountable for its promises and deliver results.
U.S. reauthorized the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR) at a cost of $48 billion, leading G-8 countries to increase
their contributions from $30 billion to at least $60 billion in
HIV/AIDS funding over the next five years. Similarly, G-8 leaders
agreed to match the targets set for the President's Malaria Initiative.
resource commitment alone could determine the success of Africa's
development agenda, the United States would be a long way toward
boosting the world's poorest continent. In President Bush's first term,
development assistance to Africa more than doubled. The President's
pledge to double total bilateral and multilateral assistance again to
$8.7 billion by 2010 is on track--an expansion on an unprecedented
the amount of aid provided is not a key determinant for development.
Sound policy and the rule of law in developing countries are far more
important. The next U.S. President needs to ensure that resources are
used strategically and leveraged to promote sound economic policy,
good governance, and the rule of law. The Bush legacy on Africa is
secure, and it is incumbent upon the next White House to apply the
lessons learned during the past eight years of unprecedented
U.S. Engagement with Africa
relations with the countries of Africa have evolved significantly over
the past decade and are now as robust and multifaceted as with any
region in the world. While the next President must develop a
comprehensive strategy for U.S.-Africa cooperation, this can only be
achieved through a balanced sector approach that relies on overarching
U.S. national security, economic, and humanitarian interests.
The U.S. leads the world in its partnership with African nations to
fight HIV/AIDS. Broadly understood as the largest international health
initiative in history to fight a single disease, PEPFAR has
fundamentally reshaped the war on the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
As of 2007, Africa accounted for 67 percent of all HIV infections and 75 percent of AIDS deaths.
Prevalence rates are hovering around 25 percent of the adult population
in a number of sub-Saharan countries. The pandemic is directly and
measurably affecting rural livelihoods and workforce productivity.
African militaries have long had prevalence rates dramatically higher
than the general population, which threatens national security
structures and international peacekeeping capacity. The fight against
HIV/AIDS is therefore a fundamental part of the overall economic, human
development, and stability effort in Africa.
could have imagined the impact that PEPFAR would have on the psychology
of those affected. "When the President launched the initiative in 2003,
about 50,000 people in all of sub-Saharan Africa were receiving
HIV was a death sentence, and the lack of access to treatment greatly
discouraged testing and counseling--a key component of disease
PEPFAR is on track to reach its goal of providing
anti-retroviral treatment to 2 million sub-Saharan Africans by the end
of the year.
This has fundamentally changed perceptions about living with the
disease. With expanded treatment availability, many people are tested
for HIV who otherwise would not have bothered. Greater awareness by
individuals of their HIV status supports prevention goals.
early and continual criticism focused on PEPFAR's perceived
overemphasis on promoting sexual abstinence, a broad consensus holds
that preventing new HIV infections is the key to reversing the
epidemic. The 2008 UNAIDS Report highlights that "to maintain a robust
prevention response, countries need to maintain a ‘prevention
movement,' build the human and technical capacity that will be needed
to sustain prevention efforts, and work to stimulate greater demand for
prevention services." The report also notes that "in every country
where HIV infection rates have sharply fallen, community mobilization
for HIV prevention has been a critical element of success."
PEPFAR's emphasis on abstinence outside of marriage and fidelity within
marriage should continue to be central themes in HIV/AIDS prevention.
often maligned narrow focus on delivering measurable results in
treatment, prevention, and care has shown that focused assistance can
produce tangible results. PEPFAR also requires that a majority of
funds go directly to programs in the target countries, rather than
through multilateral programs. This direct aid ensures that assistance
is provided efficiently and effectively in accordance with the law's
strategic purposes. As PEPFAR has advanced its mission and worked
alongside broader international efforts, it has become increasingly
clear that new gains will require concerted efforts to address Africa's
beleaguered health care systems. The trend is clearly toward better
integrated donor support for country-owned strategies.
and allies alike praise President Bush's leadership in the fight
against HIV/AIDS in Africa. Congress appropriately authorized PEPFAR
for another five years. The next President needs to build on this
bipartisan support to move PEPFAR, as Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi
(D-CA) has said, "from the emergency phase to the sustainability
phase." The key challenge will be to ensure that PEPFAR does not stray from the focus and strategies than have made it successful.
Malaria is still fatal to over 1 million Africans every year. Even
though malaria is preventable and treatable, Africans are dying at a
rate of one every 30 seconds, and most are infants and children under 5
years of age.
In 2005, President Bush committed $1.2 billion over five years to the
President's Malaria Initiative (PMI) to reduce malaria deaths by 50
percent in 15 target African countries. By 2007, the second year of
implementation, as many as 25 million Africans had benefited from PMI
PMI, although much smaller than PEPFAR in terms of resources, again
demonstrates the impact of U.S. global leadership. Through coalition
building and leveraging of resources, the PMI has compelled
international action to dramatically reduce the impact of malaria in
Africa. The PMI works closely with the World Bank Malaria Booster
Program, the Roll Back Malaria Partnership, UNICEF, the World Health
Organization Global Malaria Program, and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis, and Malaria.
PEPFAR, the PMI has also provided an essential vehicle to rally
faith-based organizations and the private sector. The next President
needs to continue building support for the fight against malaria by
providing new funding and by leading a coordinated global response.
Because of President Bush's efforts, the next President will be
uniquely positioned to deal a severe blow to one of Africa's greatest
Democracy Promotion and the Millennium Challenge Account.
The spread of democracy-inspired governance systems across Africa
constitutes a continent-wide revolution over the past 15 years.
However, in some countries, below the surface of election-day voting,
the democratic process suffers a litany of insults from outright vote
rigging and vote buying to severely uneven playing fields. A number of
African countries, such as Kenya, are clearly backsliding from
democratic governance, and anachronistic authoritarian regimes such as
the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe find it disturbingly easy to hold on to
The spread of democratic governance has been a primary
focus of the Bush Administration's foreign policy. As the Bureau for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor in the U.S. Department of State
democracy not only promotes such fundamental American values as
religious freedom and worker rights, but also helps create a more
secure, stable, and prosperous global arena in which the United States
can advance its national interests. In addition, democracy is the one
national interest that helps to secure all the others.
The U.S. budget aimed at "governing justly and democratically" in Africa is robust, and the U.S. continues to emphasize:
free and fair electoral processes, with a level playing field to ensure
genuine competition; (2) good governance, with representative,
transparent, and accountable institutions operating under the rule of
law, including independent legislatures and judiciaries; and (3)
robust civil societies, including human rights and democracy
defenders, independent media, and labor unions.
addition, the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), established in
January 2004, brought a dynamic new focus to U.S. democracy promotion.
The MCA emphasizes delivering foreign assistance based on a country's
commitment to ruling justly, embracing open economic systems, and
investing in the health and education of its people. The "country
compact" concept focused on identifying individual countries that
display a measurable track record of democratic values and investing in
them according to the country's own development priorities. The MCA
also initiated a "threshold" program for countries that aspire to full
The MCA eligibility criteria and its threshold
program put significant resources on the table both to strengthen
African countries that already pursue good governance and to provide
incentives to countries on the edge of significant democratic reform.
Equally beneficial, selection as an MCA-eligible country provides
additional credibility for countries as they seek to attract foreign
direct investment and to participate in global financial markets. To
date, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) has signed compacts
with seven African countries for a total of $2.4 billion. Both Senator Barack Obama (D-IL) and Senator John McCain (R-AZ) have expressed support for continuing the MCC.
the next President examines U.S. engagement with Africa, democracy
promotion should remain a central theme. Democracy building should not
be confused with or exchanged for the more generic notions of "good
governance." Many of Africa's more effective and economically
reform-minded leaders, from President Yoweri Museveni in Uganda to
President Paul Kagame in Rwanda, have demonstrated autocratic
tendencies. Nigeria and Ethiopia, Africa's most populous countries,
fall short of democratic standards.
Military coups, although
occurring with less frequency, remain a part of the African landscape,
as proven in Mauritania in August 2008. Democracy building in Africa
will loom large during the next four years with Thabo Mbeki resigning
from office in South Africa, south Sudan preparing for an election and
then a referendum, Zimbabwe hopefully ending its dictatorship, Kenya
wrestling with power sharing, and post-conflict Liberia undertaking its
second democratic election.
Peace and Security Cooperation.
Over the past eight years, most of Africa's long-running and
tragically costly violent conflicts have dramatically receded, giving
way to peace and stability. Bush Administration diplomacy, development,
and military training have contributed significantly to these gains.
In Angola, Burundi, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Southern Sudan, and Uganda,
large swaths of territory once ravaged by violent conflict are now at
peace, enabling the spread of democracy and economic development.
diplomatic leadership in ending the 22-year-old north-south conflict in
Sudan is often overshadowed by ongoing violence in Sudan's western
Darfur region. The north-south civil war killed more than 2 million
people and displaced an additional 4 million. Ending the war was a
major international achievement that was largely inspired through
U.S.-led initiatives. However, Sudan is a tinderbox, and the national
elections in 2009 could reignite conflict on a scale not yet seen.
These initiatives, in conjunction with ending the conflict in Darfur,
should continue to be a cornerstone of U.S. Africa security policy and
receive personal attention from the next U.S. commander in chief.
emerged from its long and violent struggles to elect Ellen Johnson
Sirleaf as president, making her Africa's first female president.
Beginning with the removal of Charles Taylor from power, the U.S. has
played a pivotal role in Liberia's conflict resolution and
reconstruction. U.S. disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration
efforts have worked alongside the U.N. peacekeeping presence to secure
the country. The U.S. has also led efforts to rebuild and restructure
the Liberian armed forces. As Liberia moves to redevelop its economy,
the next Administration needs to maintain the country as a primary
focus and to center its attention on economic growth and job creation
to help Liberia win the peace.
To be effective in Africa, U.S.
military and intelligence efforts to deny terrorists safe havens,
operational bases, and recruitment opportunities must remain
integrated with development and diplomacy. The East Africa Regional
Security Initiative helped the U.S. respond to ongoing instability
stemming from the 2006 defeat of the Council of Islamic Courts in
Mogadishu, Somalia. Alleged U.S. backing of Ethiopian and Transitional
Federal Government forces did not create stability, and the subsequent
insurgency has made Mogadishu and parts of south central Somalia a
permissive operating environment for Somali and foreign terrorists.
Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP) also provides a
foundation for continued cooperation in countries where radical Islam
threatens both U.S. and African interests. TSCTP provides assistance
to Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Senegal and has helped them act against al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist groups in the region, both individually and together.
goals and better delineated interagency responsibilities would increase
TSCTP's effectiveness. A July 2008 Government Accountability Office
report calls upon "the Secretary of State [to] work through the
Director of Foreign Assistance…to develop a comprehensive strategy for
the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership in conjunction with the
Secretaries of Defense and the Treasury, the U.S. Attorney General, and
the heads of any other partner agencies."
Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program,
a part of the Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI), is essential
to increasing Africa's ability to contribute to the continental peace
and stability. Since 2005, the U.S. has trained 39,000 African
peacekeepers in 20 countries, which accounts for approximately 80
percent of the African peacekeepers deployed on African Union (AU) and
U.N. missions. Continued training of African peacekeepers will also substantially support the AU's proposed African Standby Force.
The new U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) is an important step in the
evolution of U.S.-Africa relations and should be strongly supported in
its limited intended role. However, the new combatant command has been
poorly explained to African partners, poorly coordinated with the U.S.
interagency community, and poorly articulated in terms of its security
and non-security functions. Yet these mistakes have not doomed AFRICOM
to failure. AFRICOM is a major step forward for U.S.-Africa cooperation
and will pay dividends for years to come, if it is implemented
While the logic of consolidating one region under one
command (AFRICOM) rather than leaving it divided among three separate
commands is self-evident, substantive issues of security cooperation
make AFRICOM absolutely essential. International peacekeeping
requirements, counterterrorism partnerships, energy security
cooperation, and humanitarian emergencies necessitated AFRICOM's
creation. Increased U.S. national interests in Africa and the
concomitant increase in U.S. security cooperation with African
countries guarantees that the continent can no longer simmer on a back
burner at the Department of Defense. While U.S. Armed Forces
traditionally focus on their chief mission of fighting and winning
wars, U.S. defense strategy is evolving to address conflict prevention
through enhanced regional security cooperation with and capacity
building of partners and allies.
next Administration will need to sort through necessary details, such
as the locations of AFRICOM's permanent headquarters and sub-regional
offices, adequate staff recruitment, status-of-forces agreements, and
Article 98 agreements. AFRICOM will help the U.S. to build on its
already significant training programs, such as ACOTA, and enable new
collaborations on issues such as the African Standby Force.
partnerships beyond peacekeeping will also benefit under AFRICOM,
including counternarcotics programs in West Africa, military
professionalization through International Military Education and
Training, efforts such as the Combined Joint Task Force--Horn of
Africa, and the strategic use of Foreign Military Funding and sales.
AFRICOM can also address the rise of piracy off the coast of Somalia
and enhance maritime partnerships to secure Africa's coastline.
Trade and the African Growth and Opportunity Act. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA),
which extends duty-free U.S. market access to about 98 percent of
exports from 40 qualified sub-Saharan African countries, remains a
cornerstone of U.S. trade and investment policy toward Africa.
As a tool in the larger U.S. effort to promote open markets, stimulate
economic growth, and facilitate sub-Saharan Africa's integration into
the global economy, AGOA remains popular with African partners and
enjoys strong bipartisan support in Washington. However, AGOA has been
only a qualified success.
Despite the Bush Administration's
efforts to stimulate two-way trade through AGOA, including supporting
and signing into law three enhancements of AGOA, qualified African
countries have not taken full advantage of the opportunity. Total
two-way trade between the U.S. and sub-Saharan Africa increased 15
percent in 2007 to nearly $81.8 billion, but this increase is skewed
by crude oil imports. Non-oil AGOA imports to the U.S. totaled $3.4
billion in 2007, an increase of 7 percent over 2006 levels. In other
words, even with duty-free access to the largest market in the world,
African countries are still not competitive in most sectors.
address the lack of economic growth in non-extractive industries in
Africa, the U.S. has provided significant assistance in trade capacity
building (TCB). Mali and Ghana receive TCB assistance through the
Millennium Challenge Corporation and their country compacts. Many other
countries receive TCB assistance through the U.S. Agency for
International Development's five-year $200 million President's African
Global Competitiveness Initiative and the four regional trade hubs
that it supports. Disappointingly, the $92.6 million in TCB aid in
fiscal year 2007 facilitated only $23.9 million in AGOA exports to the
U.S. The next Administration will need to address this unacceptable return on investment.
the end of the day, it takes two to trade. Most sub-Saharan African
countries simply lack the market development and business
competitiveness to take full advantage of AGOA. The failed multiyear
effort to negotiate a free trade agreement with the countries of the
Southern African Customs Union demonstrates a lack of political will
among African leaders to implement needed economic and regulatory
reforms. Efforts to expand economic relations through trade and
investment framework agreements and bilateral investment treaties can
advance sound policy at a slower pace and lay the foundation for
comprehensive trade agreements.
The failing Doha Round is a
setback for African countries and their global competitiveness. While
World Bank data clearly show that Africa's World Trade Organization
members would benefit significantly from a successful global trade
agreement, many African countries have not participated effectively in
those discussions. U.S. technical support for education and
capacity-building programs to assist African countries in better
understanding and navigating multilateral negotiations would promote
increased, meaningful participation.
The May 2007 creation of
the Africa Financial Sector Initiative is an important development that
should continue as a policy priority.
Trade and investment dwarf foreign aid's impact on Africa's economic
and social development. Programs aimed at accelerating the expansion of
open markets, creating access to capital markets, and building
Africa's regional and global trade competitiveness should remain a
priority for the next President.
Agriculture and Food Security.
Millions of Africans are chronically food insecure, a situation that
spirals downward quickly when poor governance and natural disasters add
to the crisis. In most African countries, about two-thirds of the
people depend on agriculture for their sustenance and livelihoods.
Given that the poor live on less than a dollar a day, the World Bank
estimates that GDP growth originating in agriculture is about four
times more effective in raising incomes of extremely poor people than
GDP growth in other sectors.
agriculture remains caught in a chronic cycle of poor economic
governance, grain marketing board monopolies, corrupt fertilizer
importation regimes, dilapidated rural infrastructure, nonexistent
regional markets, and controversies over biotechnology. Interventions
aimed at improving Africa's agricultural output and its rural incomes
must be systemic, comprehensive, and scaled up significantly to have
any real impact. African governments need to recognize the important
role of agriculture in moving a country out of the ranks of the least
developed. Even though 75 percent of Africans live in rural
communities, donors and African governments allocate only 4 percent of
expenditures to developing the agricultural sector.
the hierarchy of U.S.-Africa partnership goals, agricultural
development should be a common thread running through many areas of
cooperation. Agriculture should be a higher priority in U.S.
development efforts, whether MCC country compacts focused on
agriculture, trade promotion under AGOA, market reform technical
assistance, water utilization projects, rural road construction, or
science and technology programs.
Additional U.S. support for the
AU's Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program may prove
a useful vehicle for this broad-based approach, provided that policy
reform is given sufficient attention.
In addition, Doha Round talks need to reduce farm subsidies in both
developed and developing countries, increase agricultural market access
for all, and reduce tariff and non-tariff trade barriers.
In 2002, the U.S. launched the Africa Education Initiative (AEI) to
increase access to quality basic education. The $600 million,
eight-year program anticipates distributing more than 15 million
textbooks, training nearly 1 million teachers, and providing 550,000
scholarships to girls by 2010.
Supported by AEI, Africa's primary school enrollment rates skyrocketed to 96 percent in 2004.
For some time, policymakers have debated the merits of targeting
assistance exclusively at primary education, at the expense of
programs that support secondary and higher education. A growing
consensus believes that economic growth and global market
competitiveness rely not only on primary education successes but also
on secondary education, attention to the education-employment link,
and higher education.
support is a key aspect of ongoing U.S.-Africa engagement. In addition
to the obvious and important contributions to a country's future
economic prospects, education contributes directly to family health and
counters radical social influences that prey on the uneducated or use
the promise of education as a recruiting tool.
support offers an extremely cost-effective development intervention,
and the next Administration should further explore private-sector
models to expand educational services and make them more efficient.
Education programs should also be well integrated into U.S. public
diplomacy outreach to reinforce positive images of democracy, American
values, and the generosity of the American people.
Building on Strong U.S.-Africa Cooperation
To build on the accomplishments of President Bush's Africa policy, the next President and Congress should:
- Maintain PEPFAR's focus on HIV/AIDS prevention.
The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is widely acclaimed as a
huge success. The program has given new hope to those battling the
disease and to those living with the disease. PEPFAR needs to maintain
its strategic focus on HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and care, rather
than move toward a diffuse set of general development goals. The
program's successful integration of faith-based and community
organizations should remain a programming priority. To improve overall
sustainability and create more indirect benefits to general health
development, the U.S. should expand efforts to strengthen health care
systems, which directly affect HIV/AIDS prevention, care, and treatment.
- Continue to fund the President's Malaria Initiative.
The PMI is making important progress in combating malaria, which still
kills an African child every 30 seconds. The program is young and
results will be more measurable as programs expand. The United States
should continue to fund the PMI as a priority and to leverage U.S.
resources to secure greater support from other donors and through
- Support the Millennium Challenge Account.
Democracy-building programs and the Millennium Challenge Account
mutually reinforce countries working to strengthen good governance,
open economies, and investment in their people. Too many African
countries maintain only a thin veneer of democracy, while others are
outright backsliding. U.S. assistance should renew its focus on
deepening and widening multiparty democracy. Democracy is at the
center of all U.S. goals in Africa and should be a policy and program
priority. The MCA reinforces U.S. partnerships with like-minded
countries, encourages reform, and should remain a well-funded
component of U.S. foreign assistance.
- Strengthen U.S. counterterrorism and peacekeeping training operations in Africa.
Peace and security cooperation have played a key role in shaping
U.S.-Africa relations over the past eight years. U.S. leadership was
essential in ending most of Africa's protracted violent conflicts,
notably in Southern Sudan and Liberia. Counterterrorism coordination
has resulted in shared intelligence and direct action against U.S.
enemies, but the overall impact was less than it could have been.
Training of peacekeepers under ACOTA has contributed significantly to
African and international missions. Violent conflict in Africa
undermines all U.S. strategic objectives; therefore, the U.S. must
remain vigilant and provide important leadership to prevent and
resolve conflict. Sudan and Liberia should continue as policy and
funding priorities. Counterterrorism efforts must fully integrate and
coordinate defense, diplomacy, and development to achieve maximum
results. Peacekeeper training under ACOTA should continue to contribute
to Africa's enhanced capacity to intervene appropriately through
- Fully fund the Africa Command.
AFRICOM is an important step forward in U.S.-Africa relations.
Although poorly "rolled out," diligent efforts to explain the command's
objectives would substantially reduce criticism. AFRICOM leadership,
together with State Department and Agency for International
Development, must affirm the need for balance between diplomacy,
development, and defense and clearly emphasize that AFRICOM in not a
militarization of U.S. foreign aid. AFRICOM's role as capacity builder
in partnership with African militaries and the proposed AU African
Standby Force should be highlighted.
- Advance free trade with Africa.
African countries simply have not or cannot exploit trade
opportunities available through the African Growth and Opportunity Act.
Africa's global competitiveness in non-extractive industry sectors is
very weak. The U.S. should place more emphasis on developing Africa's
regional markets through economic liberalization. African
entrepreneurs need help accessing capital and attracting joint venture
partners that bring necessary technical skills and experience. African
economies need to focus more on sectors in which they have real
comparative advantages, and economies that depend on natural resource
extraction need to diversify. The Administration should move forward
with signing free trade agreements with those African countries that
- Support global elimination of agricultural subsidies.
Agricultural economic growth will benefit the 70 percent of Africans
still living off the land. Millions of Africans remain chronically food
insecure. Agricultural growth should be at the heart of the next
Administration's assistance to Africa, and African countries need to
reform their policies and deploy resources to the sector. Trade
liberalization should include elimination of farm subsidies.
Bush's emphasis on Africa will remain a positive aspect of his
Administration. The next Administration should build on that legacy
with programs and policies that support positive African initiatives
and focus on strategic U.S. priorities. The era of paternalistic
big-brother relationships with Africa should be left behind, replaced
by an era of increasing cooperation around shared interests from
HIV/AIDS to counterterrorism.
The White House, "Fact Sheet: Development and Africa."
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, 2008 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic.
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, 2008 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic, p. 96.
Finkel, "Malaria," p. 32.
The White House, "Africa."
The White House, "Africa."
TSCTP also provided assistance to Mauritania before the August 2008 coup.
U.S. Government Accountability Office, Combating Terrorism: Actions Needed to Enhance Implementation of Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership, GAO-08-860, July 2008, p. 28, at http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d08860.pdf(October 20, 2008).
The White House, "Africa."
19 U.S. Code §§ 3701-3741.
The White House, "Africa."
The White House, "Africa."