Last week the ayatollahs’ capacity
to stow death and destruction beyond Iran’s borders was on full display, when a
barrage of Shahab missiles was test fired. Also last week, the French energy
company, Total, pulled out of a huge investment in Iran's gas sector, citing
"political risks."
Meanwhile, back in Iran, the gallows were busy. On July 10, Khalij Fars news
agency reported four men were publicly hanged in the southern city of Borazjan.
On Sunday, two men were hanged in the central city of Isfahan. A day before,
Iran’s Supreme Court upheld the death sentence for three Kurdish political
activists.
The common thread here is that Tehran faces mounting political and social
dissent, aggravated by factional infighting, at home, and growing international
isolation abroad. Belligerence looks to Tehran like a way out of this impasse.
Dismissing the missile test as a mere bluster is very dangerous. Much has
been made of the unimpressive technology and Tehran's failed attempt at
doctoring images of the launch. That analysis misses the point that Tehran’s
missile capability still poses a grave threat to the region, because the intent
behind it is belligerent.
Moreover, Iran's missile program has made advances in recent years,
particularly since the ascendance of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps
(IRGC) to the pantheon of power and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency in 2005.
After the main Iranian opposition, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) exposed Tehran's
nuclear site at Lavizan in 2003, the regime transferred much of its nuclear
work to secret tunnels. As I reported in my book, The
Iran Threat: President Ahmadinejad and Coming Nuclear Crisis, the
secrecy of Iran’s missile production is now based upon so much of the program
being underground. North Korea has been Iran's primary collaborator in building
and expanding this underground infrastructure, providing experts and
blueprints.
In September 2005, MEK provided more details about Iran’s missile
operations in the secret tunnels associated with the Parchin Military Complex,
a site 19 miles southeast of Tehran. A few weeks later the group was able to
provide new information about the massive size and operations of the regime's
tunnel complexes.
Accessible only by military roads, the largest tunnel complex is beneath the
mountains of the Khojir region, just east of Tehran. This is where Movahed
Industries, housed in the largest tunnel in the Khojir complex, builds the main
body, does the final assembly, and warehouses the final product. This tunnel is
about 1,000 meters long and 12 meters wide. Inside are six forklike, 500 meter
extensions which extends from deep inside the central area of Khojir to the Bar
Jamali Mountain.
The eyewitness accounts of the Iranian opposition sources inside Iran
describe this tunnel as an underground city, complete with its own firefighting
system, steam boilers for an independent heating system, air conditioning,
water pumps, and a water-resistant electrical system.
Security measures include codenames for the industries that work on various
aspects of the program. For example, Nori Industries, which builds the warhead
and is the most secretive part of the program, is known as "8500."
The Khojir complex also contains dozens of other well-equipped tunnels that
vary in length from 150 to 300 meters and contain more industries and
warehouses in which missiles are kept. Among these is Bakeri Industries Group,
whose five facilities in the Khojir complex produce surface-to-surface
missiles, including the Iran-designed Fateh A-110, Nazeat, and Zolqadr. Fateh
was among the missiles the Iranian regime fired last week.
Indeed, in an interview with the French daily Le Monde on February 25, 2005,
Iran’s then nuclear negotiator Hassan Rowhani, acknowledged that reports about
Iran building tunnels to hide its nuclear technology "could be true."
So with much of the ayatollahs’ missile program tucked away in massive
underground tunnels, the level of its missile technology cannot really be
judged from the video clips of last week’s launch. But one thing the world can
be certain of is the nefarious intent of a regime whose IRGC commanders boast
they have their fingers on thousands of missile triggers, aimed at 32 U.S.
targets in the Middle East, and will plunge the region into "raging
fire". Bluster? Maybe, but can the free world afford to take that chance?
The mullahs are building nuclear bombs and the missiles to carry them.
Nuclear capability will make them a powerhouse in the region, and will bolster
the morale of the hated IRGC, the key means to their repressive regime's
staying power.
Although the ayatollahs’ missile-rattling can hardly disguise their growing
political weakness, if they are not stopped, we are looking at a nuclear-armed
state-sponsor of terrorism with an aggressive agenda that extends beyond
neighboring Iraq. Washington needs to recognize this fact, with finality.
A day before the ayatollahs’ launch, the US Treasury Department slapped new
sanctions on Tehran and pursuant to Executive Order 13382, designated four
individuals and four entities for their roles in Iran’s missile and nuclear
program. As Stuart Levey, under Secretary of Treasury for Terrorism and Financial
Intelligence, correctly pointed out, "Iran's nuclear and missile firms
hide behind an array of agents that transact business on their behalf."
A growing number of members of Congress from both
sides of the aisle believe that sanctions should be coupled with political
pressure aimed at heightening the internal discontent, and weakening the
regime. They maintain that Washington should remove all restrictions from the
Iranian opposition groups, allowing them to play their real and indigenous role
as a potent political force and dedicated to democratic change in Iran.