The Palestinians claim
that they are an ancient and indigenous people fails to stand up to historical
scrutiny. Most Palestinian Arabs were newcomers to British Mandate Palestine.
Until the 1967 Six-Day War made it expedient for Arabs to create a Palestinian
peoplehood, local Arabs simply considered themselves part of the ‘great Arab
nation’ or ‘southern Syrians.’
“Repeat a lie often enough and people will begin to
Nazi propaganda master Joseph Goebbels
“All [that Palestinians] can agree on as a community is
want to destroy, not what they want to build.”
New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman
There is no
age-old Palestinian people. Most so-called Palestinians are relative newcomers
to the Land of Israel
Like a mantra, Arabs
repeatedly claim that the Palestinians are a native people. The concept of a
‘Stateless Palestinian people’ is not based on fact. It is a fabrication.
Palestinian Arabs cast
themselves as a native people in “Palestine”
– like the Aborigines in Australia
or Native Americans in America.
They portray the Jews as European imperialists and colonizers. This is simply
Until the Jews began
returning to the Land
in increasing numbers from the late 19th century to the turn of the
20th, the area called Palestine
was a God-forsaken backwash that belonged to the Ottoman Empire, based in Turkey.
The land’s fragile
ecology had been laid waste in the wake of the Arabs’ 7th-century conquest. In
1799, the population was at it lowest and estimated to be no more than 250,000
to 300,000 inhabitants in all the land.
At the turn of the 20th
century, the Arab population west of the Jordan River (today, Israel
and the West Bank) was about half a million inhabitants and east of the Jordan River perhaps
The collapse of the
agricultural system with the influx of nomadic tribes after the Arab conquest
that created malarial swamps and denuded the ancient terrace system eroding the
soil, was coupled by a tyrannous regime, a crippling tax system and absentee
landowners that further decimated the population. Much of the indigenous
population had long since migrated
or disappeared. Very few Jews or Arabs lived in the region before the
arrival of the first Zionists in the 1880s and most of those that did lived in
Most Arabs living west of
the Jordan River in Israel, the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) and Gaza are
newcomers who came from surrounding Arab lands after the turn of the 20th
century because they were attracted to the relative economic prosperity brought
about by the Zionist Movement and the British in the 1920s and 1930s.
This is substantiated by
eyewitness reports of a deserted country – including 18th-century
reports from the British archaeologist Thomas Shaw, French author and historian
Count Constantine Volney (Travels through Syria and Egypt, 1798); the
mid-19th-century writings of Alphonse de Lamartine (Recollections of the
East, 1835); Mark Twain (Innocents Abroad, 1867); and reports from
the British Consul in Jerusalem (1857) that were sent back to London.
The Ottoman Turks’ census
(1882) recorded only 141,000 Muslims in the Land
The real number is probably closer to 350,000 to 425,000, since many hid to
avoid taxes. The British census in 1922 reported 650,000 Muslims.
Aerial photographs taken
by German aviators during World War I show an underdeveloped country composed
mainly of primitive hamlets. Ashdod,
for instance, was a cluster of mud dwellings, Haifa
a fishing village. In 1934 alone, 30,000 Syrian Arabs from the Hauran moved
across the northern frontier into Mandate Palestine, attracted by work in and
around the newly built British port and the construction of other
infrastructure projects. They even dubbed Haifa
Um el-Amal (‘the city of work’).
The fallacy of Arab
claims that most Palestinians were indigenous to Palestine
– not newcomers - is also bolstered by a 1909 vintage photograph of Nablus, today an Arab city
on the West Bank
with over 121,000 residents. Based on the number of buildings in the photo
taken from the base of Mount
the population in 1909 – Muslim Arabs and Jewish Samaritans – could not have
been greater than 2,000 residents.
Family names of many
Palestinians attest to their non-Palestinian origins. Just as Jews bear names
like Berliner, Warsaw
and Toledano, modern phone books in the Territories are filled with families
named Elmisri (Egyptian), Chalabi (Syrian), Mugrabi (North
Africa). Even George Habash – the arch-terrorist and
head of Black September – bears a name with origins in Abyssinia or Ethiopia,
Habash in both Arabic and Hebrew.
nationality is an entity defined by its opposition to Zionism, and not its
What unites Palestinians
has been their opposition to Jewish nationalism and the desire to stamp it out,
not aspirations for their own state. Local patriotic feelings are generated
only when a non-Islamic entity takes charge – such as Israel
did after the 1967 Six-Day War. It dissipates under Arab rule, no matter how
distant or despotic.
A Palestinian identity
did not exist until an opposing force created it – primarily anti-Zionism.
Opposition to a non-Muslim nationalism on what local Arabs, and the entire Arab
world, view as their own turf, was the only expression of ‘Palestinian
The Grand Mufti Hajj Amin
al-Husseini, a charismatic religious leader and radical anti-Zionist was the
moving force behind opposition to Jewish immigration in the 1920s and 1930s.
The two-pronged approach of the “Diplomacy of Rejection” (of Zionism) and the
violence the Mufti incited occurred at the same time Lebanon, Syria,
Transjordan and Iraq became countries in the post-Ottoman reshuffling of
territories established by the British and the French under the League of
Nation’s mandate system.
The tiny educated class
among the Arabs of Palestine was more politically aware than the rest of Arab
society, with the inklings of a separate national identity. However, for
decades, the primary frame of reference for most local Arabs was the
clan or tribe, religion and sect, and village of origin. If Arabs in Palestine
defined themselves politically, it was as “southern Syrians.” Under Ottoman
referred to a region much larger than the Syrian Arab Republic of today, with borders
established by France
In his book Greater Syria:
The History of an Ambition, Daniel Pipes explains:
was a region that stretched from the borders of Anatolia to those of Egypt,
from the edge of Iraq
to the Mediterranean Sea.
In terms of today’s states, the Syria
of old comprised Syria,
plus the Gaza Strip and Alexandria.”
Syrian maps in the 21st
century still co-opt most of Greater Syria, including Israel.
The Grand Mufti
Al-Husseini’s aspirations slowly shifted from pan-Arabism – the dream of
uniting all Arabs into one polity, whereby Arabs in Palestine
would unite with their brethren in Syria
- to winning a separate Palestinian entity, with himself at the helm.
Al-Husseini was the moving force behind the 1929 riots against the Jews and the
1936-1939 Arab Revolt against two non-Muslim entities in Palestine
– the British and the Jews. He gathered a large following by playing on fears
that the Jews had come to dispossess, or at least dominate the
Much like Yasser Arafat,
the Grand Mufti’s ingrained all-or-nothing extremism, fanaticism and even an
inability to cooperate with his own compatriots made him totally ineffective.
He led the Palestinian Arabs nowhere.
The ‘Palestinian’ cause
became a key rallying point for Arab nationalism throughout the Middle East,
according to Oxford
historian Avi Shlaim. The countries the British and French created in 1918-1922
were based largely on meridians on the map, as is evident in the borders that
delineate the Arab states today. Because these states lack ethnic logic or a
sense of community, their opposition to the national aspirations of the Jews
has come to fuel that fires Arab nationalism as the ‘glue’ of national
identity. (see details on the ramifications of British and French policy, which
plague the Middle East to this day in the
chapter “The European Union.”)
From the 1920s, rejection
of Jewish nationalism, attempts to prevent the establishment of a Jewish
homeland by violence, and rejection of any form of Jewish political power,
including any plans to share stewardship with Arabs, crystallized into the
expression of Palestinianism. No other positive definition of an
Arab-Palestinian people has surfaced. This point is admirably illustrated in
the following historic incident:
“In 1926, Lord Plumer was
appointed as the second High Commissioner of Palestine. The Arabs within the
Mandate were infuriated when Plumer stood up for the Zionists’ national anthem
Hatikva during ceremonies held in his honor when Plumer first visited Tel Aviv.
When a delegation of Palestinian Arabs protested Plumer’s ‘Zionist bias,’ the
High Commissioner asked the Arabs if he remained seated when their national
anthem was played, ‘wouldn’t you regard my behavior as most unmannerly?’ Met by
silence, Plumer asked: ‘By the way, have you got a national anthem?’ When the
delegation replied with chagrin that they did not, he snapped back, “I think
you had better get one as soon as possible.”
But it took the
Palestinians more than 60 years to heed Plumer’s advice, adopting Anthem of
the Intifada two decades after Israel
took over the West Bank and Gaza
in 1967 – at the beginning of the 1987 Intifada.
Under the Mandate, local
Arabs also refused to establish an ‘Arab Agency’ to develop the Arab sector,
parallel to the Jewish Agency that directed development of the Jewish sector
(see the Chapter “Rejectionism”).
In fact, the so-called
patriotism of indigenous Muslims has flourished only when non-Muslim entities
(the Crusaders, the British, the Jews) have taken charge of the Holy Land. When political control returns to Muslim
hands, the ardent patriotism of the Arabs of Palestine magically wanes, no
matter how distant or how despotic the government. One Turkish pasha who ruled
Acco (Acre) between 1775 and 1804 was labeled Al
Jazzar, The Butcher, by locals.
Why hasn’t Arab
representative government ever been established in Palestine, either in 1948 or during the next
19 years of Arab rule? Because other Arabs co-opted the Palestinian cause as a
rallying point that would advance the concept that the territory was up for
grabs. “The Arab invasion of Palestine was not a
means for achieving an independent Palestine,
but rather the result of a lack of consensus on the part of the Arab states
regarding such independence,” summed up one historian. Adherents to a separate
Palestinian identity were a mute minority on the West Bank and Gaza
during the 19 years of Jordanian and Egyptian rule - until Israel took
control from the Jordanians and the Egyptians in 1967. Suddenly a separate Palestinian
peoplehood appeared and claimed it deserved nationhood - and 21 other Arab
states went along with it.
Palestinianism in and of itself lacks any
substance of its own. Arab society on the West Bank and Gaza suffers from deep social cleavages
created by a host of rivalries based on divergent geographic, historical,
geographical, sociological and familial allegiances. What glues Palestinians
together is a carefully nurtured hatred of Israel and the rejection of Jewish