With US Vice President
Dick Cheney wrapping up his 10-day trip to the Middle
East, made in part to allay
regional fears of a growing Iranian influence, the Iranians themselves
are busy preparing for the second round of parliamentary elections to
be held in April (the first round was held on March 14th). The results, of course, have been known for a
while: the conservatives will continue with their stranglehold
on power. But there are still two very important reasons to follow
this race. The first is the fact that the conservative faction
has undergone a schism recently, breaking into “pro-Ahmadinejad”
and “anti-Ahmadinejad” factions. Second, is the
effect this split will have on Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s
re-election campaign in 2009.
To be a candidate for a seat
in the Majlis (the Iranian Parliament), you first have to pass
the Guardian Council. A body of 12 unelected members (mostly
clerics appointed by the Supreme Leader, Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei),
the Guardian Council vets every candidate for “loyalty to the revolution”
and “practical adherence to Islam”. This time around
the GC initially barred 2,200 candidates, mostly reformists whose fidelity
to the Islamic system was in question. After various appeals,
a few hundred disqualified contenders were reinstated, but all in all
the reformists were only able to place themselves on the ballot in 110
of the 290 districts. The conservatives, or as they like to be
called in Iran, osulgaran or “principlists”, essentially
had a monopoly on the other 180 seats. But
a split among the osulgaran, brought on by Ahmadinejad
himself, could have some interesting implications for the world
in the years to come.
Ahmadinejad ascended to the
presidency with promises of “happiness and comfort” for Iranians,
especially the poor. He promised to spread the Islamic Republic’s oil
wealth to every corner of the country. Three years later, the
situation in Iran is far from rosy. These days, with housing and food
prices spiraling out of control, inflation is at about 20% a year and
unemployment is rising to upwards of 20%. There have been heating oil
shortages this winter. Iran, the world’s fourth largest oil producer,
was even forced to implement a gas rationing scheme last summer which
led to violent protests and rioting all over the nation. Ahmadinejad’s
answer to the economic crises? Take your pick: hosting Holocaust
denial conferences, giving belligerent speeches about America and
Israel, flying out to New York and telling the audience at Columbia
that “in Iran we don’t have homosexuals”, clamping down on “moral
vices”, and executing hundreds of “adulterers”, homosexuals, Kurds, and
journalists. At the same time, his peers in the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps have continued to shower billions of dollars on their
terrorist proxies in Lebanon, Iraq, the Palestinian Territories, and
Afghanistan (recent reports have announced that Hezbollah’s funding
from Tehran has more than doubled from $400 million US a year to $1
billion). And that’s not even getting into Ahmadinejad’s steadfast
support for Tehran’s nuclear weapons program which brought on a third
round of UN Security Council sanctions a few weeks ago.
These actions have led to a
crack in his conservative alliance. The “principlists” are
now split into the pro-Ahmadinejad, hard-line United Front of Principlists
and their more “pragmatic” rivals, the Inclusive Coalition of
Principlists, also known as the Broad and Popular Coalition of
Principlists. If the reformists and the pragmatic wing of
the principlists can claim enough seats in the Majlis, the chances of
Ahmadinejad getting re-elected next year will be considerably diminished.
That’s fantastic, right? Think again.
Arguably, the most powerful
member of this so called reformist/pragmatic conservative camp is former
President Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Mr. Rafsanjani,
a 73 year old religious leader and businessman (who Forbes
at one time included in their wealthiest people list) is currently chairman
of the Assembly of Experts (a body of 86 Islamic scholars that
choose and supervise the Supreme Leader) and of the Expediency Council
(an administrative assembly that resolves differences between the Majlis
and the Guardian Council). He advocates better relations with
the West and frequently laments about Ahmadinejad’s inflammatory rhetoric.
Western media regard him as a “moderate”,
“centrist”, and a fellow the West “could work with”. A
Washington Post headline referred to him as a “Voice
of Moderation”. But much like the late terrorist, Noble Peace
Prize winner, and chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization,
Yasser Arafat, he has a knack for speaking out of both sides of his
mouth.
On December 14th,
2001, just three months after the heinous acts of 9/11, Rafsanjani delivered
a speech to mark “International Day of Quds (Jerusalem)” in which
he stated “The establishment of Israel is the most hideous occurrence
in history. The Islamic world will not tolerate the continued existence
of Israel in the region, and will vomit it out from its midst.”
Later on in the speech, he commended Islamic terrorists for their important
work and concluded by
openly advocating the use of atomic bombs against the Jewish State: "The Jihad operations against
Israel must continue unrelentingly until victory is achieved … when
the Islamic world acquires atomic weapons, the strategy of the West
will hit a dead-end — since the use of a single atomic bomb has the
power to destroy Israel completely, while it will only cause partial
damage to the Islamic world.” He has also attacked America on
numerous occasions, accusing it of “doing evil”, committing “atrocities”,
and even threatened the US by saying that their opposition to Tehran’s
nuclear program will be “America’s suicide”. Sounds a lot
like Ahmadinejad - except for one thing: Rafsanjani
currently has an international warrant out for his arrest due to his
involvement in terrorism.
On July 18, 1994,
a Renault Traffic van loaded with 275 kg of explosives was detonated
in front of the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina.
The bombing killed 85 people and wounded hundreds more. Argentine
prosecutors investigating the terrorist attack pinpointed Hezbollah
as the group responsible, with direct orders coming from Tehran.
Rafsanjani, president at the time, is alleged to have ordered Hezbollah
arch-terrorist Imad Mughniyah (who was thankfully put out of commission
in Syria last month) to orchestrate the attack. On October 25,
2006 Hezbollah and Iran were formally charged and arrest warrants were
issued for Rafsanjani and six others. Also, in 1992, Sadiq Sharafkindi,
an Iranian-Kurdish leader, and three of his associates were gunned down
in Berlin while eating at a Greek restaurant. German prosecutors
trying the case, pinpointed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and Rafsanjani
as personally ordering the murders.
Other members of the pragmatic
conservative faction include the three main leaders of the Inclusive
Coalition: General Mohsen Rezai, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, and Ali Larijani.
Mr. Rezai was Chief Commander
of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps from 1981 until he retired
to join the Expediency Council in 1997. He was also one of the
other Iranians charged with Rafsanjani with planning the AMIA bombing.
According to The Wall Street Journal, in 1998 Ahmad Rezai, Mohsen’s
son, told US officials that Rafsanjani and his top deputies were the
ones that made the decision to attack the AMIA building and the Israeli
embassy in Argentina (in 1992 the embassy was car bombed killing 29
and injuring 250; no one was ever charged with the attack although numerous
sources point to the same Iran/Hezbollah nexus). Ahmad
even confessed to accompanying Mohsen to Lebanon where he witnessed
his father’s IRGC training the Hezbollah bombers.
Mohammad Qalibaf is also a
former commander of the Revolutionary Guards and a police chief.
In 1999 he was part of a group of IRGC officers that threatened former
reformist president Mohammad Khatami with a coup if he did not
take a harder line on student protests gripping the
nation. Known for his violent ways, Qalibaf and his police force
routinely brutalized and arrested people: raiding
homes in search of satellite dishes, seeking out web-bloggers who criticized
the Supreme Leader, and putting down student protests.
Many student leaders and activists have “disappeared” because of
Qalibaf and his forces. For this and other reasons
he is frequently met with jeers of “killer of the dorms” on the
campaign trail. Currently, the mayor of Tehran, he is likely to
be one of Ahmadinejad’s biggest rivals for the presidency next year.
Prior to being replaced by
Ahmadinejad last year Ali Larijani was best known for being Iran’s
top nuclear negotiator. Before that he was a commander
in the Revolutionary Guards, followed by a decade as head of the nation’s
state-run radio and television network. The International Herald
Tribune writes that Larijani used national radio and TV “as a
weapon to suppress democratic reform” and routinely brought political
activists and student leaders on the air to, under duress, confess to
“harming national security”. Larijani was also quoted as saying
that he has no ideological differences with Ahmadinejad, only “differences
in style”. Currently a member of the Supreme National Security
Council (a council that sets policy on matters related to defense
and national security), Larijani is rumored to be the incoming Speaker
of the new parliament and another of Ahmadinejad’s rivals in 2009.
If these are the types of “pragmatists”
the West can look forward to dealing with when the Ahmadinejad era in
Iran is over, the solution is simple: give the Iranian people
what they truly want and deserve, regime change.