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The Perils of Peace By: David Forsmark
FrontPageMagazine.com | Tuesday, November 27, 2007


The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival after Yorktown
By Thomas Fleming
Collins, $27.95, 368 pp.


Two of the most consistent "facts" taught in American History classes
are that the Civil War ended with Lee's surrender at Appomattox, and
Cornwallis' surrender at Yorktown put the Revolutionary War into the
Yankees' victory column.

But it ain't necessarily so

As Jay Winik showed in his brilliant April 1865, Lee surrendered only
one of the three Confederate armies in the field, and drawn-out
guerrilla warfare in the Southern countryside was a distinct
possibility. It was a tribute to Lee's leadership and the American
spirit in general that the terrible things that happened in the
aftermath of nearly every other civil war in history did not happen
here.

Now, in The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival after
Yorktown Thomas Fleming shows that the outcome of the Revolution was also seriously in doubt after the colonials' "decisive" victory. Even
with the loss of Corwallis' army at Yorktown, the British had
advantages they could have pressed in nearly every military and
economic arena and possessed the capability to strangle the nascent
nation in its crib.

That it did not happen is largely due to the superhuman efforts of one
man: George Washington.

The Perils of Peace could be considered Volume Two in Fleming's
exploration of George Washington, Politician.

Historians tend to divide Washington's public life into two phases:
General and President, and they apply Washington's political savvy to
the latter portion of his life. Bothhere and in Washington's Secret
War, Fleming explores Washington's considerable political skills
during the war and an aftermath that was far more precarious than most
realize.

What emerges in both books is yet another reason Washington should be
considered The Indispensable American. Through the sheer force of his
will, using his moral standing as either a blunt instrument or a sharp
rapier and employing hitherto unexplored political maneuvers,
Washington nearly single-handedly held the Revolution and the
incipient nation together against all odds.

In fact, keenly aware of Britain's strategic advantages, Washington
put considerable effort into quashing the general feeling of "mission
accomplished" in Yorktown's wake, instead warning of a long hard slog
ahead.

Even Washington's letter to the president of the Continental Congress
modestly stated: "Sir, I have the honor to inform Congress that a
reduction of the British Army under the command of Lord Cornwallis is
most happily effected." The word victory is never mentioned.

And Washington had plenty to worry about. Had the Royal Navy not been under the command of Prime Minister Lord North's inept cousin, Admiral Graves, who ignored Admiral Samuel Hood's advice to press his advantage, Corwallis could have been saved. The French navy had now sailed off to the West Indies, where it was soundly thrashed by the
Brits.

In South Carolina, meanwhile, a brutal civil war still raged between
Loyalists and Patriots (events mirrored in the Mel Gibson film, The
Patriot). While the British Army was staying out, the threat remained
that the colony would join the Loyalist resurgence.

In addition, the Redcoats still held a heavily fortified and
garrisoned New York, and the Americans did not begin to have the
numbers to do anything about it.

Things also looked dark on the foreign affairs front. King George
swore to not give up "an acre" of his "dominion," and the French
seemed ready to let the Americans stand or fall on their own.

However there were two great men on America's side: Benjamin Franklin in Paris and Edmund Burke in Britain, the parliamentary thorn in King George's side.

In London, while the king and Lord North pushed to pursue the war
against the Americans and refused to grant independence, Burke foiled
them at every turn. Burke, now considered a patron saint of
conservatism, wanted liberty both for his American cousins and for
Ireland. He eventually toppled the North government and passed a
resolution ending offensive force by the British Army in America.

In Paris, Franklin took the opposite tack from Washington, playing the
Yorktown victory for all it was worth to keep the French -- weary of
the American effort and eager to fight the British over more
immediately profitable territories -- from completely dropping their
support. The French court also was worried, justifiably so, about how
the American revolutionary rhetoric of liberty would play among its
own downtrodden citizenry.

Again, it was the Marquis de Lafayette who rode to the rescue of the
Revolution, helping Franklin secure some much needed loans and
throwing his weight behind Franklin in the peace negotiations. The
peace talks themselves were a complex affair. Besides the United
States of America (a name the English representatives steadfastly
refused to use) and Britain, the French and even the Spanish were
involved, which severely complicated matters.

At home, the Continental Congress was less than a joke, with pathetic
numbers attending sessions. The currency was hyperinflated -- the
price of a horse had risen to $150,000 -- and men on errands for
Washington had to rely on the kindness of strangers for food and
lodging. The Continental Army was on the brink of mutiny, having been
unpaid for years.

Every schoolchild knows (or at least used to) that high-ranking
officers urged Washington to seize dictatorial powers after
independence was achieved, and textbooks usually report that he
grandly and easily turned down the offer.

But Fleming brings fresh insight to Washington's decision by placing
it in the context of the times. The postwar chaos and a genuine threat
of anarchy in the face of a potent enemy made Washington wonder if
temporary dictatorial powers were necessary for the country's survival
in view of the unrest the inept Continental Congress was creating.

After suppressing a near-mutiny of his officers, Washington wrote in
both anger and sorrow to Congress, urging it to pay his men the money
owed to them. If Congress failed to act, he noted, "then shall I have
learned what ingratitude is" and it would "embitter every moment of my
future life."

Congress not only failed to pay the men, but some of the politicians
also smeared the officers as greedy aristocrats before sending them
home penniless. Still, Washington refused to abandon his vision of why
the Revolution had been fought: to found a nation of free men

Ultimately, however, it was Washington's decision to resign that sent
shockwaves throughout the capitals of the world. It wasn't just his
refusal to seize total power, but also his determination to go home to
Mount Vernon once the nation seemed safe and secure that baffled the
monarchs and despots of Europe and beyond. Washington's move made
headlines from London to Vienna and restored America's battered
international prestige.

Washington's first farewell is a speech that can bring tears, no
matter how familiar it has become, and Fleming makes the most of the
emotional event that it was for the nation at the time.

Fleming provides a potent narrative for the events of these tumultuous
two years by focusing on the characters involved and making the
political battles between outsized personalities as vivid as those on
the battlefield. Also a novelist of note, Fleming uses these skills to
his advantage here, ending many chapters at cliffhanging points, then
crossing the ocean to pick up another thread of the story, thus
keeping the reader engaged and eager for more.

For years, Fleming has been reminding us that the success of the
American Revolution was an extraordinary event that we should not take
for granted. Now, that has become a primary theme of books on the
Glorious Cause, with words like "Miracle" regularly showing up in
their titles, and George Washington regaining his preeminent place in
the narrative.

Once again, however, it is Fleming who breaks new ground in showing us just how much of the burden for success rested on the broad shoulders of Washington. Any historian who fails to place Washington at the top of a list of the greatest presidents should be laughed out of the
room.

George Washington was not only the greatest president of the United
States, he has no serious competition for the title of Greatest
American. In fact, it would be hard to name a figure in the last
millennium whose accomplishments affected the state of today's world
more than those of Washington.

The recent spate of books on the Founding Fathers largely acknowledge
this fact, but leave it to Thomas Fleming to take a fresh look at
perhaps the most famous American and uncover new reasons to be
thankful for this giant of history.



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