Colonel Patrick Lang, a Middle East expert who formerly served as the chief of human intelligence for the Defense Intelligence Agency, determined that the Iraqi soldier’s military tattoo and immigration file indicated that he was likely a trusted member of Saddam Hussein’s Republican Guard before being recruited into the elite Unit 999 of the Estikhabarat, more commonly known as the Iraqi Military Intelligence Service. Before the 2003 Iraq War, Unit 999 was headquartered in Salman Pak, southeast of Baghdad, and was tasked with clandestine operations at home and overseas. Several defense and intelligence analysts, with whom I consulted, concurred with Colonel Lang’s conclusions.
Soon after that fateful day in 1995, Al-Hussaini moved to Massachusetts and sought employment at the Boston Logan International Airport. In November 1997, four years before two planes were hijacked from that very airport on a deadly trek to incinerate the World Trade Center, the Iraqi national began suffering panic attacks about his airport job and sought psychiatric hospitalization. When his therapist asked why he was experiencing sudden and intense trepidation about working at Boston Logan, the patient replied, “If something happens there, I will be a suspect.”
I later learned that during this same time frame, Al-Hussaini was residing with two former Iraqi Gulf War veterans who provided food-catering services to the commercial airlines at the Boston airport. In the wake of the suicide hijackings of 2001, law enforcement speculated that food services workers might have planted box cutters aboard the doomed flights. Hussain Al-Hussaini’s uncanny foreknowledge of a possible event slated to take place at Boston Logan Airport, the point of origin for Al-Qaeda’s murderous rampage of 2001, just grazes the surface of the disturbing nexus I have uncovered between 4-19 and 9-11.
The case for Middle Eastern complicity that I have outlined, thus far, centers primarily upon Timothy McVeigh’s collaboration with men whom witnesses described as Iraqi intelligence agents. However, I have also uncovered strong indicators of an Al-Qaeda component to the Oklahoma bombing. I outline in my book, The Third Terrorist, compelling evidence that McVeigh’s defense team developed which suggested Terry Nichols might have received bomb making expertise from Al-Qaeda operatives based in the Philippines.
We know that the small-time Kansas farmer of modest means took frequent and unexplained trips to the South Pacific islands, many times without his Filipino mail order bride. The court record revealed that the Oklahoma City bomber was in Cebu City in December 1994 at the same time as the mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center attack, Ramzi Yousef. Did these two men cross paths? According to the sworn statement of the co-founder of the Muslim terrorist group Abu Sayyaf, a spin-off chapter of Al-Qaeda, Nichols and Yousef did, indeed, meet in the early 1990’s to discuss bomb making.
Richard Clarke, President Bill Clinton’s former terrorism czar, disclosed in his book, Against All Enemies, that the FBI “could never disprove” the theory that Terry Nichols learned the macabre genius of terrorist bomb construction under the tutelage of the Al-Qaeda lieutenant, Ramzi Yousef. Clarke writes, “We do that Nichols’ bombs did not work before his Philippine stay and were deadly when he returned.”
Phone records reveal that Nichols received and placed a slew of calls to a boarding house in Cebu City, which according to McVeigh’s defense lawyers, sheltered students from a local university known for Islamic militancy. Additionally, Nichols and McVeigh used a phone debit card to make a series of cryptic calls to untraceable numbers and pay phones in the Philippines from pay phones in Kansas in an apparent effort to cover their tracks. Why? That question has never been addressed or answered by the Department of Justice.
FP: Why has this story been untold up till now? Why did the FBI not pursue the Islamic/Iraqi connection?
Davis: The answer has haunted and mystified me for nearly a decade. I am a journalist who prefers to connect the dots with facts. However, in order to address your query, I must offer conjecture and leave it to your readers to decide the motivations behind the FBI’s failure and/or refusal to investigate the dossier of evidence I have compiled exposing Middle Eastern complicity behind the brutal slaughter of 171 Americans, including women and children.
One possibility to which I attribute little plausibility is that this information innocently slipped through the cracks of a massive federal investigation due to gross incompetence. However, I cannot explain why the FBI flatly refused to take receipt of this information in 1997 when I offered twenty-two witness statements and hundreds of pages of corroborative documentation implicating Iraqi nationals in the Murrah Building bombing.
Officials with the Justice Department informed my lawyer, Tim McCoy, and later confirmed to Bill O’Reilly of Fox News that prosecutors “did not want any more documents for discovery” that they would be compelled by law to surrender to the defense teams for McVeigh and Nichols.
In 1999, I returned to the Bureau, and a very courageous FBI agent, Dan Vogel, took custody of the twenty-two witness affidavits. In compliance with official protocol, Agent Vogel passed the evidence up the chain of command to be reviewed by the legal department at the Oklahoma City FBI field office.
From there, the documents inexplicably vanished. The evidence was ultimately withheld from the defense teams for McVeigh and Nichols. More egregious was the undisputed fact that the FBI made no attempt to prove or disprove the veracity of the witnesses’ testimonies. None was called. None was questioned.
To this day, the Justice Department has refused my requests to officially clear the man identified by witnesses as the mysterious third terrorist who delivered the weapon of mass destruction to the intersection of 5th and Harvey Streets on that dreadful spring morning. Yet the Bureau did not hesitate to exonerate several innocent men who were named in the media as having been collared and questioned simply because they bore a slight resemblance to the sketch of John Doe 2.
My meticulous research into the Iraqi soldier’s whereabouts for the morning of April 19 roundly discredits his publicly espoused alibi. Why the FBI has never questioned Hussain Al-Hussaini or his Middle Eastern cohorts, I am at a loss to explain. That question should be posed to the former administration and the handful of officials who were charged with investigating and prosecuting the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Building.
The survivors and slain of April 19 deserve justice and our country deserves the truth. Was Oklahoma City the silver bullet that could have prevented 9-11?
FP: So how will justice be achieved? Howe will the rest of the perpetrators be punished?
Davis: I leave the outcome and pursuit of justice to the American people. If my readers believe that I have presented evidence beyond a reasonable doubt for foreign complicity in the Oklahoma City bombing, then I implore concerned citizens to start a grass roots campaign to demand the arrest, interrogation, and criminal prosecution of the Iraqi suspects identified in my book.
After all, if the man whom multiple eyewitnesses positively pegged as the third terrorist had foreknowledge of the 9-11 plot, then what do he and his Iraqi cohorts know about the next strike Al-Qaeda is planning to execute within our borders? American lives hang in the balance. We cannot afford to speculate that these men will not be re-activated to construct more truck bombs like the one that levelled a nine-story building in 1995.
FP: Jayna Davis, thank you. It was a pleasure to speak with you.
Davis: Thank you Jamie.