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Why We Are in Iraq, Part II By: David Horowitz
FrontPageMagazine.com | Friday, November 26, 2004


Standing between Saddam and his malevolent ambitions in the fall of 2002 was the uncertain power of the United States. It was uncertain because the first Bush Administration had failed to remove him at the end of the Gulf War and the Clinton Administration was too paralyzed by ideology and circumstances to act when the need to repair the mistake became inevitable. Clinton fired hundreds of missiles into Iraq, but without an army to remove the tyrant, they were fired to little effect. After his defeat in the Gulf War, a still-defiant Saddam had boasted that America could fight a Cold War, but couldn’t endure ten thousand casualties. After America’s humiliation in Somalia, Osama bin Laden said nearly the same thing: American soldiers can fight a Cold War but not endure the will to defeat Islam in a holy war.

In the terrorists’ eyes, America was a paper tiger. This was perhaps the main cause of the miscalculations made by Saddam that led to his fall. But  his assessment was correct until 9/11. Until that moment, America had shown itself to be a power unwilling and therefore unable to put an army in the field for more than four days since the Vietnam truce of 1973.

On September 11, 2001, the world changed because the perceptions of an American president changed. George W. Bush understood that this strike against us was a declaration of war. He understood that the world we live in is a world in which terrorists who are supported by rogue states like Saddam Hussein’s can get access to terrible weapons with which they can smuggle into the United States and use to do incalculable damage. America could not wait for such an attack before responding to the threat that these regimes represented. The consequences were simply unacceptable. America had to strike before the threat became imminent. Since Saddam had already shown that he would defy all attempts to control him and since he had already demonstrated that he would use weapons of mass destruction, and since he supported the jihad against the United States, his regime presented a peril that had to be confronted. John Kerry and other Democratic leaders spoke eloquently to these realities and endorsed the measures taken by the President that led to war. The Bush Doctrine is simply a statement of these realities along with the will to take the measures necessary to deal with them. It is to engage the war that has been declared against us by the terrorists and the regimes harbor them – Iran, Syria, Libya to name three.

 

In their attacks on the President, opponents of the war and even Democratic leaders who once knew better have said that Iraq was “no threat.” But if Iraq was no threat, why was Afghanistan a threat? Afghanistan is a much poorer country than Iraq. It has no great oil reserves; it wasn’t about to make a deal with North Korea to buy nuclear weapons “off the shelf,” as Saddam was when United States troops crossed his borders. So why was Afghanistan a threat? It was a threat because it provided the terrorists with a base of operations, and from that base they were able to deliver a devastating blow to the United States.

 

Since Afghanistan was a threat, obviously Iraq was an even bigger one, but so was Iran. Some critics of the war want to know why we didn’t attack Iran or North Korea, which appear to them more menacing than Saddam Hussein. There is a certain hypocrisy in these qualms. These are the same people who are argue that our attack on Iraq was illegitimate. Nonetheless, the question is worth answering. The difference between North Korea and Iraq is that as bad as North Korea is, it is not part of the Islamic jihad that includes al-Qaeda and Hamas, and which Saddam Hussein had joined. (To cite one instance of his role, $74 billion of the UN Oil-for-Food funds that Saddam embezzled went directly to finance the Hamas terrorist organization). The difference, finally, between Iran and Iraq is that we were actually at war with Iraq and had been at war since 1991. For a decade U.S. and British warplane had participated in daily missions over the “No-Fly Zones” in Northern Iraq in order to prevent Saddam Hussein from dropping poison gas on the Kurds. For ten years, the United States and Britain were engaged in a low-intensity war with Iraq to keep Saddam within the restrictions created by the UN resolutions that he relentlessly defied. This war had failed to accomplish its task, which is precisely why the United States and Britain initiated a larger war to finish the job.

 

The Deulfer Report, issued after Saddam’s removal, which involved the interrogation of officials of the regime, concluded that Saddam Hussein had one overriding agenda, which was to remove the UN sanctions, remove the UN inspectors, and resume his programs to build weapons of mass destruction. That is what the war was about.

 

To recap its timeline: After 9/11, George Bush declared that Iraq was in defiance of the arms control and inspection agreements that were designed to keep him under control and was therefore an international menace. In his State of the Union Address, delivered on January 20, 2002 he told Saddam, “You are part of an ‘Axis of Evil’ and you are in defiance of the 1991 truce agreements. You need to comply with the terms of the truce you signed, and with the U.N. resolutions, and disarm, open your borders to UN inspectors and give up your ambitions to acquire weapons of mass destruction -- or else.” This ultimatum was delivered fourteen months before we actually went to war.

 

When Senator Kerry and other critics say the United States “rushed to war,” it is difficult to imagine what they are talking about. Shortly after George Bush put Saddam on notice in January 2002, Al Gore gave the first foreign policy address he had made since the election of 2000. In this speech, Gore praised Bush for identifying Iraq as one of the components of an axis of evil. He noted that Bush had come under criticism for making such a statement, and he made a point of supporting the President’s decision to do so. Saddam’s regime was, in fact, evil and a threat to the peace. Gore said America had to do whatever was necessary to deal with the threat that Saddam represented, even if we had to do it alone and without our allies’ approval. Al Gore betrayed his own vision of Iraq, just as the leadership of the Democratic Party betrayed a war it had signed onto, in the hope of making a seasonal political gain.

 

There was no rush to war. In September 2002, nine months after the Axis of Evil speech and six months before the onset of the war, President Bush went to the UN and told its delegates the UN must enforce the resolutions Saddam had disregarded and defied or become “irrelevant.” If the UN Security Council would not meet its obligations, enforce its resolutions and defend the peace, the United States intended to do so in its place. As an earnest of its intent, the United States had already begun sending troops to the Gulf. The immediate effect of this was to cause Saddam to readmit the UN inspectors. In the crucial months that followed, the American president said more than once to the Saddam regime: “You will disarm, or we will disarm you.” This was not a rush to war, but a deliberate march to a moment of truth in which Saddam’s intentions would be tested a final time: Disarm; open your borders to unobstructed UN inspections -- or else.

 

In October, following his appearance at the UN, the President went to Congress and got the authorization he needed to use force against Iraq if Saddam persisted in the course of obstruction he had pursued for more than a decade. The vote was 77 to 23 in the Senate, receiving support from majorities on both sides of the aisle. On November 9, the President won a unanimous 15 to 0 vote in the Security Council for Resolution 1441. This resolution was an ultimatum that said to Saddam: “You will disarm, and you will show that you have disarmed by making a comprehensive report on your weapons of mass destruction ‘or serious consequences’ will follow.” The deadline for compliance was set for thirty days hence, or December 7, 2002.

 

The Chief UN Weapons Inspector Hans Blix has since written a book on these events, which he has called Disarming Iraq. Blix is a Swedish leftist who, by his own admission, was against going to war despite Saddam’s failure to comply with the UN resolutions.[1] In his book he acknowledges that UN Resolution 1441 was diplomatic language for an ultimatum of war, and that Saddam failed to meet its terms.[2] On December 7, which was the deadline for compliance the Iraq regime delivered a 12,000-page report that was essentially a rehash of previous inadequate and deceptive reports it had submitted and not a serious answer to the questions that had been asked. Thousands of weapons were unaccounted for, and the requirements the Security Council had laid down had not been met.

 

At this point, the question was whether yet another ultimatum should be allowed to slip with no consequences to follow. If there is never a consequence then the entire fabric of “international law” would be a sham. Neither the word of the United Nations or the United States would have any credibility. This would create an extremely dangerous international environment where force would be the only international abiter. If the word of a great power like United States could be taken seriously, the only way remaining to deter a future threat would be to go to war. In sum, not acting on UN resolution 1441 would show contempt for international law and order (as Prime Minister Tony Blair pointed out vainly to the French) and would increase the chances of future conflict with potentially even more deadly consequences than the one with Iraq.

 

The reason enforcing the UN ultimatum was summarized with admirable clarity by President Bill Clinton in 1998, although the disorder of his personal affairs paralyzed his government and restricted his action to launching missile strikes against Saddam: “If we fail to respond today, Saddam and all those who would follow in his footsteps will be emboldened tomorrow by the knowledge that they can act with impunity, even in the face of a clear message from the United Nations Security Council, and clear evidence of a weapons of mass destruction program.”[3]

 

Senator Kerry and other critics on the left have claimed that Saddam Hussein could have been contained without going to war, that the weapons inspections would eventually work to disarm the regime and keep it disarmed. But this is an empty claim. It presumes the United States could keep 100,000 troops on the Iraqi border indefinitely and focus the main energies of government on keeping one rogue state in check.  The only reason the U.N. inspectors were readmitted to Iraq in the first place was because of the decision taken by Bush to put a massive American military force on the Iraqi border, and to threaten the regime’s survival.

 

If threats are never acted on, they eventually lose credibility. That’s why enforcing the 17th UN resolution on Iraq was so crucial. The effort to mobilize enough force – diplomatic and military – to produce Saddam’s moment of truth on December 7, 2002 had been a year in the making. How long could the United States focus this kind of attention on Iraq and deploy these kinds of resources just to see that Saddam Hussein observed the promises he made? To let this ultimatum pass and continue the cat and mouse game indefinitely would mean paralyzing the ability of the United States to deal with the rest of the world. While the confrontation lasted it would cost of $1 billion a week and would mean maintaining more than 100,000 troops in the Arab desert (sitting targets for terrorists). Saddam, on the other hand, would have all the time in the world to manipulate “world opinion,” delay any result and wear the allies down. This entire exercise, moreover, would be merely extending an effort to stop Saddam Hussein from evading sanctions and controls that had been going on for more than a decade. It should be self-evident that this “alternative” to war was merely a plan for continuing an appeasement that had failed.

 


The Role of the Left

 

In January 2003, one detour remained on the road to Saddam’s moment of truth, -- a detour that has since served to obscure the rationale for the war itself. When the UN Security Council deadline passed December 7th, America and Britain were alone among the major powers willing to enforce the resolution they had all signed onto. Saddam’s longtime ally told Secretary of State Colin Powell that even though Saddam had now defied his 17th UN resolution would veto a decision to go to war “under any circumstances (quelles que soient les circonstances).”[4] In January, 750,000 anti-war protesters appeared in the streets of London to join the French opposition and say no to war. The size of this demonstration was equivalent to 4 million protesters in the streets of Washington.

 

Four million American protesters would not even be the full equivalent of the political fact that confronted Tony Blair. The protesters were members of his own party. A proper equivalent would have been if millions of Republicans had marched in Washington to oppose enforcement of the Security Council resolution. To meet this opposition Tony Blair pleaded with President Bush to go back to the U.N. Security Council and present whatever intelligence information was required to get a second – albeit entirely superfluous – UN resolution. This, in itself, was an appeasement of Saddam who had brazenly defied the UN resolution. But because Tony Blair was such a loyal ally the President said yes.

 

In retrospect, he should not have done so. First of all, because after Colin Powell’s presentation of new evidence to the UN, the French informed him, that no evidence would persuade them – that they would not vote for a resolution to go to war “under any circumstances.” We now know that the French had been bribed with millions of dollars stolen from the UN Oil-for-Food program and the promise of billions of dollars in oil contracts from Saddam. But this was hardly necessary for their opposition to action on the resolution they had voted for, since they had been Saddam’s allies for decades.

 

There was a second and far more important reason not to go to Security to persuade its unpersuadeable members (Russia and China were also Saddam’s allies with a veto over the decision) to vote for another superfluous resolution. In order to make his case to the recalcitrant left, Powell had to stretch the available evidence and make claims about the existence of actual weapons of mass destruction that proved unsustainable. The reason to go to war was the defiance of the UN ultimatum (and of sixteen previous UN resolutions). But Colin Powell’s presentation gave enough of an impression that the reason for war was the existence of stockpiles of wmds as to cloud and confuse the entire debate about the war. It was Colin Powell’s presentation that became the basis for the left’s unprincipled attack on the President for allegedly “misleading” the nation into war.

 

The war in Iraq was not about weapons of mass destruction; it was about Saddam Hussein's ten-year defiance of international law and his manifest determination to break the UN’s arms control arrangements in order to acquire weapons of mass destruction. There was no rush to war, but rather a deliberate march to war authorized by both political parties and a unanimous vote of the Security Council (which France and Russia and China had no intention of honoring). It was not unilateral, and it was not about a “non-existent imminent threat,” as the party of appeasement has claimed.

 

In his State of the Union speech on January 28, 2003, right before the fighting began, the President said in so many words that we were not going to wait until Saddam Hussein became an imminent threat. We were not going to wait until Saddam already had the weapons in place and the plan to attack us was afoot. We were not going to wait until
he struck us first.
“Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in the sanity and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an option.”[5]

 

This was the president’s message: Saddam will comply with the UN ultimatum. He will disarm and prove that he has disarmed, or we will disarm him.

 

                                    The Party of Appeasement

 

It was this policy that the Democratic Party and its leaders reluctantly supported and then opposed after the fact, weakening the war to consolidate the victory and establish a democratic regime in Iraq.  How did the Democratic Party come to be a party of appeasement in the approach to war, and a saboteur of the war effort after the fighting has started? How did it come so powerfully under the influence of an historically anti-American left?

 

It is not difficult to date the leftward slide of the Democratic Party. It began with the McGovern presidential campaign of 1972, whose slogan was “American come home,” as though America was the problem and not the aggression of the Communist bloc. The McGovern campaign drew in the rank and file of the anti-Vietnam left much as the anti-Cold War Henry Wallace Progressive Party campaign of 1948 and the Howard Dean anti-Iraq campaign of 2004. McGovern himself was a veteran of the Wallace campaign and, virtually all the leaders of the anti-Iraq movement, including most of the Democratic Party leaders who supported it are veterans of the anti-Vietnam campaign.

 

I have lived this history as both spectator and actor. My parents were Communists, and my first political march was a Communist Party May Day parade in 1948 supporting the the presidential campaign of Henry Wallace and the Progressive Party campaign against the Cold War, which meant against America’s effort to contain Communism and prevent the Stalin regime from expanding its empire into Western Europe. Our change was this: “One, two, three, four, we don’t want another war/Five, six, seven, eight, win with Wallace in ’48.”

 

This campaign was the seed of the anti-war movement of Vietnam, and thus of the political left’s influence over the post-Vietnam foreign policy of the Democratic Party. The Wallace campaign marked an exodus of the anti-American left from the Democratic Party; the movement that opposed America’s war in Vietnam marked its return. As a post-graduate student at Berkeley in the early Sixties, I was one of the organizers of the first demonstration against the war in Vietnam. It was 1962 and the organizers of this demonstration as of all the major anti-Vietnam demonstrations (and those against the Iraq war as well) was a Marxist and a leftist. The organizers of the movement against the war in Vietnam were activists who thought the Communists were liberating Vietnam in the same way Michael Moore thinks Abu Musab al-Zarqawi is liberating Iraq.

 

In 1968, Tom Hayden and the anti-war left incited a riot at the Democratic Party convention which effectively ended the presidential hopes of the Democratic candidate Hubert Humphrey. Humphrey, who was Lyndon Johnson’s Vice President was a supporter of the war. This paved the way for George McGovern’s failed presidential run against the war in 1972.

 

The following year, President Nixon signed a truce in Vietnam and withdrew American troops. His goal was “peace with honor,” which meant denying a Communist victory in South Vietnam. The truce was an uneasy one depending on a credible American threat to resume hostilities if the Communists violated the truce.

 

Three years earlier, Nixon had signaled an end to the draft and the massive national anti-war demonstrations had drawn to a halt. But a vanguard of activists continued the war against America’s support for the anti-Communist war effort in Vietnam. Among them were John Kerry and Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden. They held a war crimes tribunal, condemning America’s role in Vietnam and conducted a campaign to persuade the Democrats in Congress to cut all aid to South Vietnam and Cambodia. When Nixon was forced to resign after Watergate, the Democrats cut the aid as their first legislative act. They did this in January 1975. In April, the Cambodian and South Vietnamese regimes fell.

 

The events that followed this retreat in Indo-China have been all but forgotten by the left, which has never learned the lessons of Vietnam, but instead has invoked the retreat itself an inspiration and guide for its political opposition to the war in Iraq. Along with leading Democrats like party chairman Terry McAuliffe, George McGovern called for an American retreat from Iraq even before a government could be established to deny the country to the Saddamist remnants and Islamic terrorists: “I did not want any Americans to risk their lives in Iraq. We should bring home those who are there.” Explained McGovern: “Once we left Vietnam and quit bombing its people they became friends and trading partners.”[6]

 

Actually that is not what happened. Four months after the Democrats cut off aid to Cambodia and Vietnam in Jaunary 1975, both regimes fell to the Communist armies. Within three years the Communist victors had slaughtered two and a half million peasants in the Indo-Chinese peninsula, paving the way for their socialist paradise. The blood of those victims is on the hands of the Americans who forced this withdrawal -- John Kerry, Ted Kennedy, Howard Dean and George McGovern, and anti-war activists like myself.

 

It is true that Vietnam eventually became a trading partner (“friend” is another matter). But this was not “once we left and quit bombing its people.” Before that took place, a Republican President confronted the Soviet Union in Europe and Afghanistan and forced the collapse of the Soviet empire. It was only then, after the Cold War enemy and support of the Vietnamese Communists had been defeated that they accommodated themselves to co-existence with the United States.

 

The “blame America first” mentality so manifest in this McGovern statement is endemic to the appeasement mentality that the progressive Senator so typifies: “Iraq has been nestled along the Tigris and Euphrates for 6,000 years. It will be there 6,000 more whether we stay or leave, as earlier conquerors learned.” In McGovern’s Alice-in-Wonderland universe, Iraq did not invade two countries, use chemical weapons on its Kurdish population, attempt to assassinate a U.S. president, spend tens of billions of dollars on banned weapons programs, aid and abet Islamic terrorists bent on destroying the West, and defy 17 UN resolutions to disarm itself, open its borders to UN inspectors, and adhere to the terms of the UN truce it had signed when its aggression in Kuwait was thwarted.

 

The “blame America first” mentality so manifest in this McGovern statement is endemic to the appeasement mentality that the progressive Senator so typifies: “Iraq has been nestled along the Tigris and Euphrates for 6,000 years. It will be there 6,000 more whether we stay or leave, as earlier conquerors learned.” In McGovern’s Alice-in-Wonderland universe, Iraq did not invade two countries, use chemical weapons on its Kurdish population, attempt to assassinate a U.S. president, spend tens of billions of dollars on banned weapons programs, aid and abet Islamic terrorists bent on destroying the West, and defy 17 UN resolutions to disarm itself, open its borders to UN inspectors, and adhere to the terms of the UN truce it had signed when its aggression in Kuwait was thwarted.

 

During the battle over Vietnam policy, thirty years ago, Nixon and supporters of the war effort had warned the anti-war left of the consequences that would follow if their campaign was successful. If the United States were to leave the field of battle and retreat, the Communists would engineer a “bloodbath” of revenge and to complete their revolutionary design. When confronted by these warnings, George McGovern, John Kerry and other anti-Vietnam activists dismissed them out of hand. This was just an attempt to justify an imperialist aggression. Time proved the anti-war activists to be tragically, catastrophically wrong, although they have never had the decency to admit it.

 

If the United States were to leave the battlefield in Iraq now, before the peace is secured (and thus repeat the earlier retreat), there would be a bloodbath along the Tigris and Euphrates as well. The jihadists will slaughter our friends, our allies, and all of the Iraqis who are struggling for their freedom. Given the nature of the terrorist war we are in, this bloodbath would also flow into the streets of Washington and New York and potentially every American city. The jihadists have sworn to kill us all. People who think America is invulnerable, that America can just leave the field of this battle and there will be peace, do not begin to understand the world we confront.

 

Or if they understand it, they have tilted their allegiance to the other side. McGovern’s phrase “as earlier conquerors learned,” speaks volumes about the perverse moral calculus of the progressive left. To McGovern we are conquerors, which makes the Zarqawi terrorists “liberators,” or as Michael Moore would prefer, “patriots.” The left that wants America to throw in the towel in Iraq is hyper-sensitive to questions about its loyalties but at the same time can casually refer to our presence in Iraq as an “invasion and occupation.” It wants to use the language of morality but it only wants the standard to apply in one direction. There is no one-dimensional such standard, and a politics of surrender is not a politics of peace.  

 

The War At Home

 

The root cause of the division over the war in Iraq, as over the war in Vietnam, is a left that is alienated from the national purpose and believes that mankind will be better off if America loses the war with radical Islam. In the Cold War, this same left gave moral and political support to our Communist enemies; in this war it has entered an “unholy alliance”[7] with radical Islam to defeat us in the war on terror.

 

Its opposition to America’s wartime agendas is not limited to our efforts abroad or in Iraq; it is also at war with our homeland security defenses. There are already more than 350 American cities, which under the instigation of the political left have signed pledges refusing to cooperate with Homeland Security, particularly in regard to the protection of the nation’s borders. This movement is spear-headed by the American Civil Liberties Union, the National Lawyers Guild and the legal left which provides not only intellectual leadership but active counsel for indicted terrorists.

 

The inspirer of the movement against the Patriot Act is himself an indicted terrorist, Sami al-Arian, former professor of engineering at the University of South Florida and head of Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a suicide bombing cult responsible for the murders of more than a hundred innocent people, including two Americans. In 1996, al-Arian founded an organization called the National Coalition to Protect Political Freedom. Its purpose was to oppose the precursor of the Patriot Act -- an anti-terrorism bill proposed by the Clinton administration in the wake of the bombing of the Federal Building in Oklahoma City. Al-Arian became a leading figure in the civil liberties left, embraced by his colleagues at the American Civil Liberties Union and the National Lawyers Guild, organizations with long histories of obstructing America’s national security organizations.

 

Al-Arian opposed the anti-terrorist act because it outlawed “material support for terror” and allowed the use of secret evidence in terrorist cases. But constitutional issues were hardly the motivating factor for al-Arian whose real motive in opposing the measure was that his brother-in-law and co-conspirator had been arrested under its provisions, as a principal in the terrorist organization called Palestinian Islamic Jihad.

 

Sami al-Arian is still defended by the ACLU and the National Lawyers Guild, one of whose chief executives, Kit Gage, now heads Al-Arian’s organization. This “legal left” regards him as a victim of racial profiling and the Bush Administration’s over zealous prosecution of the war on terror and alleged disregard for the Bill of Rights. Said al-Arian on his arrest: “I’m a minority. I’m an Arab. I’m a Palestinian. I’m a Muslim. That’s not a popular thing to be these days. Do I have rights, or don’t I have rights?”

 

The indictment of al-Arian is 120 pages long and consists of years of tapped phone transcripts showing him involved in planning and financing suicide bombings in the Middle East. Although he was exposed by journalists at the Miami Herald in the early 1990’s, the federal government could not arrest him because of legal obstacles that blocked their investigations, obstacles that had been put in place by anti-Vietnam Democrats in the 1970s and 1980s and that were only removed by the Patriot Act. For nearly a decade, al-Arian was protected by the president of the University of South Florida, Betty Coster, the Democratic Party’s senatorial candidate in the 2004 elections.

 

 Sami al-Arian is hardly unique. National Lawyers Guild attorney and veteran leftist, Lynne Stewart, has also been indicted by the Justice Department. Like Al-Arian, Stewart is actively defended by the ACLU, the legal left and the politically sympathetic American Association of University Professors, as well as radical magazines like Salon.com and The Nation. Stewart is under indictment for helping her client, the blind sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, conduct terrorist activities in Egypt. Rahman is the leader of the Islamic Group, a terrorist cult that bombed the World Trade Center in 1993. Lynne Stewart is on record saying she believes the terrorists are liberationists and freedom fighters. “They are basically forces of national liberation,” she told the Marxist publication Monthly Review; “and I think that we, as persons who are committed to the liberation of oppressed people, should fasten on the need for self-determination. … My own sense is that, were the Islamists to be empowered, there would be movements within their own countries … to liberate.”[8]

 

 

How is it possible that people who think of themselves as advocates of social justice can lend aid and comfort to Islamic radicals who behead people and blow women’s heads off with AK-47s when they are suspected of having sexual relations outside of marriage? How can self-styled progressives embrace such people? They can under the logic that the enemy of my enemy is my friend. In 1993, Stewart was honored by the National Lawyers Guild at its annual convention and told her adoring audience: “We have in Washington a poisonous government that spreads its venom to the body politic in all corners of the globe. We now resume … our quests … like David going forth to meet Goliath, like Beowulf the dragon slayer, … like Sir Galahad seeking the holy grail. And modern heroes, dare I mention? Ho and Mao and Lenin, Fidel and Nelson Mandela and John Brown, Che Guevara who reminds us, ‘At the risk of seeming ridiculous, let me say that the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love.’”

 

The unholy alliance between radical Islam and the American left is forged by their perception of a common enemy, which is the United States. They act under the delusion that is common to all radicals who believe they can “change the world,” that they can give birth to new world in which “social justice” prevails. This idea of a socially just world is the contemporary vision of communism and socialism. It is the secular analog of the 72 virgins that await Islamic jihadists in Muslim heaven.

 

Muslim martyrs commit mass murder in order to get into paradise. This is a precise description of the progressive agenda. Why does the left want help the Islamic radicals to destroy America? To get into paradise. Call it socialism; call it Communism; call it social justice. It is a dream of the future that is so enticing it will justify any crime required to achieve it.

 

The radical left does not understand that the root cause of the social problems that confront is humanity itself. We are the root cause of the inequalities and injustices that we face. There will never be a socially just world because the “new” world that revolutionaries create will be run by the same human beings, who are corrupt and selfish and fallible by nature. A hundred million corpses in the Twentieth Century, the human detritus of the socialist experiment attest to this fact. To ignore it – and this is the basis of the revived political left – is delusional, but that does not make it any less dangerous. Radicals have a parallel goal to the goal of the jihadists, which is paradise on earth. And they have the same enemy, which is the Great Satan, i.e., the United States.

 

To confront this enemy in our midst we must reverse its perceptions. The mantra of the left is “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” To defend ourselves we must adopt the view that the friend of my enemy is my enemy.

 

Click Here to return to Part One of this speech.

 

ENDNOTES:

[1] Hans Blix, Disarming Iraq, NY 2004, p. 109

[2] Blix, Disarming Iraq, pp. 106 et seq. Unholy Alliance: “When the deadline arrived, the Iraq regime provided a report that was generally conceded not to have met the terms of the ultimatum. U.N. chief inspector Hans Blix summarized the Iraqi submission: ‘The chemical area of the text was an updated version of a declaration submitted in 1996. The missile part also had largely the same content as a declaration of 1996, with updates added. I reported to the Council that our preliminary examination of the declaration had not provided material or evidence that solved any of the unresolved disarmament issues.’ These included the fact that ‘8,500 liters of anthrax, 2,100 kilograms of bacterial growth media, 1.5 metric tons of VX nerve agent and 6,500 chemical bombs’ that the U.N. inspectors had ascertained were at one time in Saddam’s possession were unaccounted for.[2] Resolution 1441 had called on Saddam Hussein to document their destruction. Even the French ambassador noted that ‘there was no new information in the declaration,…’[2] Afterwards Blix wrote of the declaration, ‘My gut feelings, which I kept to myself, suggested to me that Iraq still engaged in prohibited activities and retained prohibited items, and that it had the documents to prove it.’”

[3] Cited in David Horowitz, Unholy Alliance, p. 227

[4] Unholy Alliance, op. cit. p.216; cf. William Shawcross, Allies: The US, Britain, Europe and the War in Iraq, NY 2004 p. 148

[5] Cited in Unholy Alliance, p. 227

[6] Los Angeles Times, December 25, 2004

[7] David Horowitz, Unholy Alliance: Radical Islam and the American Left, Regnery 2004

[8] Monthly Review, November 25, 2002. Reprinted in www.frontagemag.com/Articles/Printable.asp?ID=4764


David Horowitz is the founder of The David Horowitz Freedom Center and author of the new book, One Party Classroom.


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